Three benefits of the FTA between USA and Colombia

THREE BENEFITS OF THE FTA BETWEEN UNITED STATES AND COLOMBIA

By Libardo Botero C.

1) FTA ECONOMIC BENEFITS

Trade Relations between USA and Colombia. After a very deep crisis at the end of the XX century and at the begging of this one, and despite the violence, Colombia has been improving its economic growth: the GDP of 2006 increased 6.8%, in 2005 5.23%, compared to the decrease of 4% of the GDP at the end of the XX century. Even though Colombia has social inequity problems, there have been some measures to reduce them: poverty, measured by level of income, was reduced from 56% of the population in 2002 to 45% in 2006. During the same period, extreme poverty decreased from 22% to 12%.

The FTA should help this process. The agreement its more significant to our country, since bilateral trade relations with the US represents up to 40% of our total, and only 0.5 % the United States’s. The APTDEA covers half of our exporting products (oil, flowers, apparel, leather and footwear) with an big impact in labor. But this is a temporal benefit that expires in mid-2007. Additionally, it only focuses in lowering tariffs, leaving aside the non-duty barriers, which are the main obstacles for many of our exporting products.

Industry. Colombia’s main import products (almost 90%) from USA are industrial (machinery, equipment, raw materials). They do not compete with the Colombian manufactured goods; instead they help in its growth. Through out the FTA Colombia give immediate free of duties access to 81.8% of the US exports to our country. 92.5% of those exports are raw materials and capital goods that are not produced in our country. The remaining 7.5% are products that compete directly with our production.

At the same time, the parties agreed in the FTA that 99,9% of the Colombian industrial goods could enter to the US without duties. These products are mainly from areas in which USA is insufficient (apparel, leather footwear). Some new goods, not covered with ATPDEA, have been included. The industry will also benefit with the participation in Government purchases in the US. Also, some benefits have been obtained for the small and medium enterprises in Colombia.

Agriculture. In a very irresponsible way some people have said that there are a lot of harms in the agricultural sector because of the FTA, and that it would become an incentive to illicit crops and the traffic of illegal drugs. Really is the other way a round. Despite is huge importance within the Colombian economy, it is important to highlight that agriculture represent just 12% of the GDP, about 15% of the employment, and no even 10% of Colombian foreign trade. It is also less than 10% in our trade with the US. As happens with the US, Colombia’s exports of agricultural products are almost twice of what it buys from foreign countries.

The products that will benefit from the FTA (coffee, banana, flowers, sugar, tobacco, fruits and vegetables), and the ones that would not face a negative impact (as potato) represent more than 80% of the production and the planted area throughout the country. An increase in new products is expected, which will give an important value to production and volume of more of 7,5 new cultivated hectares, in the next 12 years; thanks to the FTA: wood, African palm, banana, yucca, cocoa, and others. Products that could be at risk because of the FTA had a special treatment such as slower tariff reductions and long grace periods: se most representative cases are rice and chicken leg quarters. There are some goods which demand is bigger than the local production. With the FTA these goods would be imported from the US free of duties but with some especial requirements: wheat, barley, soy, corn, and others. Because of the increase in the ethanol demand and the internationally high prices of corn, the expectation is to have an increase in cultivation of it in Colombia. These products represent less than 20% of the value of production and the cultivated area.

It is important to highlight that the majority of the environmental harms, in Colombia, have been caused by drug trafficking with the deforestation of the jungles and the pollution that is produced by the excessive use of chemical precursors. The crops substitution program and the implementation of the FTA will contribute to the improvement of the environment.

2) LABOR IN THE FTA

At the beginning of this decade, Colombia almost reaches an unemployment rate of 20%. It’s being reduced since then, today it is less than 12%. Foreign trade has increased throughout the years, more than the GDP, and the activities that are related with exporting goods have generated much more employment that others in the country.

Obviously industrial employment is going to benefit with the FTA, as it has been with the ATPDEA. Additionally, employment in the small and medium companies is going to be stimulated. Due to the fact that the trade relations in the industrial sector between Colombia and the US is rather complementary than competitive, new jobs will be generated because the increasing in trade, and not as a result of job losses at the other country. Our main concern regarding industrial employment (as happens to the US) is the competition coming from countries that produce cheaper goods such as China and other Asian countries. In the same direction, if the FTA is not approved, Colombia would be in disadvantage in comparison with other countries such as Chile, Central America or Mexico, talking only of this side of the world. These countries already have FTAs signed with the United States and therefore they have a preferential access to its market.

The FTA will not damage or ruin agriculture forcing farmers to grow illicit crops, as some opponents of the agreement have said. The fact is that illicit crops such as cocaine and poppy succeed in Colombia before the FTA. These crops have been reduced in the last decade to less than half of the cultivated area, thanks to the Government and the solid support of the US. More over, as a result of the FTA this trend will continue and we foresee an increase in crops substitution, and in the creation of rural jobs.

As explained above, the most sensitive products such as corn would have a momentum to multiply its production towards the production of ethanol and bio fuels, and other exporting uses such as the African palm or banana. An estimated of 4 million jobs could be generated in the next 12 years in this area of production.

It is important to bear in mind the female employment will be benefited from the activities already mentioned. Industries such as flowers, fruits, vegetables and even in coffee, employ thousands of woman. As it is known, the income of the industries that export their products is higher than does that only produce for the local market. Because of this, it isn’t true that the promotion of these activities could hurt the salaries or the jobs of the workers, particularly woman. The vast majority of the women working in those activities come from the country side, from domestic activities, and small farms, where they earn low or no wages at all, with no rights and no access to social security. The new activities usually offer better wages and access to social security.

3) HUMAN RIGHTS AND UNION FREEDOM

FTA’S LABOR CHAPTER

It’s been said that our labor laws are not in compliance with the ILO standards and that the FTA will increase such fault. Those comments are baseless. First, rather than getting a part from the ILO standards, our labor legislation is getting close to it. Examples of such trend are the measures adopted to eliminate child labor in Colombia, and banning workers cooperatives from engaging in labor intermediation. (Decree 4588 del 2006). Additionally, to make the labor jurisdiction more expedite, the Congress is debating a bill to implement the oral system and some other improvements. Needles to say, the labor justice in Colombia is an independent branch within the Judicial System.

Regarding the FTA’s negative effect, a simple review of the Chapter 17 would lead us to a very different conclusion. Both parties reassure their obligations as ILO members, and their commitment to honor all signed Conventions, and to respect internationally recognized labor rights and principles. They are respectful of their own Constitutions and the right of each other to adopt or modify their labor laws, always in compliance with the internationally recognized labor rights. To make things clearer about their commitment on preventing the parties from undermine labor rights following economic interests, the chapter establishes: “The Parties recognize that it is inappropriate to encourage trade or investment by weakening or reducing the protections afforded in domestic labor laws”.

We should expect clear benefits to workers with the approval of the FTA, since a close monitoring would be in place not only nationally both internationally, regarding the observance of labor rights.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND PROTECTION TO UNIONIZED WORKERS

The human rights issue has been raised during the negotiations of the FTA. Labor organizations in both countries have been making inaccurate statements regarding this issue, saying that government and employers are responsible for the acts of violence targeting unions, and the restrictions on their rights, either by action or by inaction.

Colombia unfortunately has one of the highest rates in the world of homicides and threats to union members. But this phenomenon must be considered within the context of violence in our country, and not as a special case of crusades against trade unions. Last year, 60 homicides of union workers were reported, 12 of them were leaders. A considerable number due to circumstances unrelated with their unionized condition or by unknown reasons. It is a worrisome situation to repudiate. Nevertheless, homicides of union members are low compared to other sectors of the Colombian society: while unionized workers represent up to 2% of Colombian population, homicide of union members represent only 0,3% of the total homicides in the country. In addition, homicides of union members have declined: almost 200 in 2002 to 25 in 2005 and 60 last year.

Illegal armed groups such as guerrillas, paramilitaries and others are responsible for the majority of threats and homicides of union members. Statistics from both the NGOs, (Escuela Nacional Sindical -ENS of Medellín), and the Ministry of Social Protection can prove it. Even the figures from the ENS indicates that for the past 15 years, the homicides attributed to Government officials represent only 1% of the total, and are caused by individual actions and not as a Government policy. Besides, even though there is much to accomplish, such criminal acts are being reduced dramatically in our country thank to the Government’s policy against illegal groups and to the demobilization and reintegration program. The Government offers a protection program to threatened unionized leaders, 1600 leaders make part of this special program. Approximately 40% of the funds destined for the protection of Colombian citizens are used for the protection of unionized leaders, more than $ 70.000 million in total.

As well as the government has fought against the guerrillas and the paramilitaries; it has offered reinsertion alternatives to all the armed groups. In that regard, the government is now developing an important demobilization and reintegration process that until now has demobilized more than 30.000 people and turned down 15.000 weapons. The leaders and those responsible of crime have been prosecuted, the reparation for the victims of the violence has stated on the part of victimizers, at the same time the discloser of the committed crimes begins. This is a unique fact in any peace process in our country, and an example to the world. This demonstrates the interest of the government on dismantle the faithless machinery of violence, and it also shows the soundness of our democratic institutions, and it has deny the statements of some people about the government sponsoring the paramilitary phenomenon. In the same way, peace dialogues with the guerrilla group ELN have been moving forward with the objective of pursuing their demobilization and disarm. Colombia needs the support of the international community to achieve this goals, through aid programs like Plan Colombia, as well as trade agreements that favor the country’s economic and social progress, like the one signed with U.S.

Another problem that affect our country is impunity. There is impunity not only regarding the crimes against unionists. With the purpose of contribute to fight violence, and mainly the prevailing impunity, the Colombia’s union’s leadership, the national government and the employers, have agree since last year to work together. For this, a permanent ILO office has been established so it can help the 3 parties to work closely. On its first tasks has been a take 100 emblematic cases of union leaders assassinations so they can be clarified and the responsible can be punished. La office of the attorney general has been working since 2005 to solve several assassination, attacks and threats cases against union leaders. Due to the tripartite agreement, the office of the attorney general has intensified its job. It has been created a subunit only to make progress on these investigations; it counts with 13 prosecutors and 77 investigators. In the last months several convictions judgments have been enacted, all this related to 37 unionist assassinations and with more than 60 convicts. Furthermore, the attorney general has said that “We have more than 200 cases, 20 formal investigations, 40 people linked and 20 called to trial”. With the implementation of the Peace and Justice Law, several of those crimes have been clarified. This shows that there has been serious progress in the fight against long-term crime and impunity. It is not responsible to get commitment with these purposes and at the same time discredit or disregard the agreed mechanisms or the volition of the parties, like some ones do.

Colombia faces several economical, social and political difficulties. We are aware of that and we are not trying to deny it. But the government, and most of the workers and employers are making serious efforts to overcome these difficulties. The country is working to consolidate and strengthen its institutions, and its democratic regime, to defeating violence, following a growth path and confronting social inequities. To keep this path means a great deal of sacrifices. It’s true that the FTA in not a magical solution. But it’s a historic opportunity that the country cannot afford to let it pass by. It’s on all of us to make the best of it.

Bogotá, Colombia. May 2007.

Tres beneficios del TLC Colombia-EEUU

TRES BENEFICIOS DEL TLC COLOMBIA-EE.UU.

Por: Libardo Botero C.

1) BENEFICIOS ECONÓMICOS DEL TLC

El comercio EU-Colombia. Después de una crisis muy grave a fines del siglo pasado y comienzos de éste, y pese a la violencia, Colombia viene recuperándose en su crecimiento económico: el año pasado el PIB aumentó 6.8%, y el antepasado lo había hecho en 5.23%, cuando a finales del siglo anterior había caído en más del 4%. Aunque aún ostenta niveles altos de inequidad social, se han dado pasos alentadores para superarla: la pobreza, medida por el nivel de ingresos, se redujo del 56% de la población en 2002 a 45% en 2006; entre los mismos años la indigencia cayó de un 22% a un 12%.

El TLC con EU deberá ayudar a ese proceso. Es más importante para nuestro país, pues alrededor del 40% del comercio exterior de Colombia es con EU, mientras que EU apenas tiene con nosotros un 0,5% de su comercio. El APTDEA cubre unilateralmente con desgravación a cerca de la mitad de lo que exportamos (petróleo, flores, confecciones, cuero y calzado), con una incidencia importante en el empleo, pero es una ventaja temporal que vence a mediados del presente año; adicionalmente sólo se enfoca en reducción de aranceles y no en las barreras no arancelarias que son el principal obstáculo para muchas de nuestras exportaciones.

La industria. La mayor parte de nuestras importaciones (casi el 90%) de EU son productos industriales (maquinaria, equipos, insumos), que no compiten con manufacturas colombianas sino que las apoyan en su crecimiento. Colombia otorgó a los Estados Unidos en el TLC acceso inmediato para el 81.8% de los productos, de los cuales el 92.5% corresponde a materias primas y bienes de capital no producidos en el país; el restante 7.5% de importaciones contiene productos de sectores nuestros que son competitivos frente a la producción estadounidense.

A la vez en el TLC se acordó que el 99,9% de los productos industriales colombianos podrán entrar sin gravamen a los EU. En su mayoría son ramos de la industria liviana, en los cuales la producción de EU es insuficiente (confecciones, cuero y calzado, por ejemplo). Se incluyen nuevos productos no cubiertos por el APTDEA. La industria también se favorecerá de la participación en las compras estatales en EU. Y se han obtenido significativas ventajas para las pequeñas y medianas empresas colombianas.

La agricultura. De manera irresponsable se ha hablado de grandes perjuicios en este sector por el TLC y por tanto de un supuesto estímulo a los cultivos ilícitos y al narcotráfico. Es al contrario. Pese a su importancia, hay que señalar que el sector agropecuario no representa sino el 12% del PIB y el 15% del empleo en Colombia; y en el comercio exterior apenas llega a un poco más del 10% del total. Es también menos del 10% de nuestros intercambios con EU. Y, en general, y también con EU, Colombia tiene superávit en el comercio exterior de productos agropecuarios: exportamos alrededor del doble de lo que importamos.

Los productos que ya exportamos o que gozarán de beneficios del TLC (café, banano, plátano, flores, azúcar, tabaco, frutas y hortalizas, etc.), y aquellos que no sufrirán impactos negativos (como papa) representan más del 80% del valor de la producción y el área sembrada en la agricultura del país. Se estima un incremento de nuevos productos, que agregarán importante valor a la producción y un volumen de más de 7,5 millones de nuevas hectáreas cultivadas, en los próximos 12 años, por facilidades en el TLC: maderas, palma africana, plátano, yuca, cacao, entre otros. Los productos sensibles, con riesgos en el TLC, tuvieron tratamiento especial, con desgravaciones a largo plazo y períodos altos de gracia: se destacan los casos del arroz y los cuartos traseros de pollo. Hay otros productos con producción insuficiente en el país para atender la demanda, que con el TLC se podrán importar desde Estados Unidos sin arancel, aunque con algunas condiciones: trigo, cebada, soya, maíz, por ejemplo. Debido al incremento de demanda de etanol y a los altos precios internacionales del maíz, en lugar de tener hoy riesgo de reducción en la producción, se espera que su siembra se incremente en Colombia. Y representan en conjunto mucho menos del 20% del valor de la producción y el área sembrada.

Es conveniente también señalar que el mayor deterioro ambiental en Colombia lo ha producido y lo sigue provocando el narcotráfico, con la devastación de la selva tropical y la contaminación que produce el uso intensivo e incontrolado de precursores químicos. La sustitución de esos cultivos, con motivo del TLC, contribuirá a la mejora del medio ambiente.

2) EL EMPLEO EN EL TLC

Colombia llegó a tener, a comienzos de esta década una tasa de desempleo de casi el 20%. Se ha venido reduciendo, hasta colocarse hoy un poco por debajo del 12%. El comercio exterior ha crecido en los últimos años más que el PIB, y las actividades ligadas a las exportaciones han generado más empleo que las otras en el país.

Es evidente que el empleo industrial será beneficiado por el TLC, como ya lo es por el APTDEA. Y que, además, se estimulará el empleo de las PYME. Dado que nuestro comercio con EU en la esfera industrial es más complementario que competitivo, los puestos de trabajo generados no se harán a costa del otro país sino como fruto del incremento del comercio. Realmente nuestro mayor problema en cuanto al empleo industrial (lo mismo que para los trabajadores de EU) proviene de la competencia de mercancías baratas de China y otros países asiáticos. Del mismo modo, la no aprobación de este TLC colocaría a Colombia en clara desventaja con otros países, como Chile, los centroamericanos o México, para solo hablar de los de nuestro hemisferio, que ya tienen tratados firmados con EU y gozan por tanto de acceso preferencial a su mercado.

De igual modo, con el TLC no se arruinará la agricultura forzando a los campesinos a dedicarse a los cultivos ilícitos, como se ha dicho por contradictores del Tratado. El hecho es que los cultivos ilícitos, como los de coca y amapola, progresaron en el pasado en Colombia sin TLC. Y se han reducido en la última década a menos de la mitad de su área sembrada por la acción estatal, con sólido apoyo de EU. Más bien el TLC ayudará a mantener esa tendencia positiva y a intensificar su sustitución por cultivos lícitos y a generar empleo rural.

Así como el valor agregado de los productos que hoy exportamos, como el de aquellos nuevos que se beneficiarán del TLC es más del 80% del total, también el empleo que generan es más del 80% del total. Y, como se explicó ya, los “sensibles” como el maíz, tienen ahora una situación muy favorable para multiplicar su cultivo. Se ha estimado, por otro lado, que los nuevos productos que se van a propiciar, para producir etanol o biocombustibles, o para otros usos exportables, como la palma africana o el plátano, entre otros, pueden generar en los próximos 12 años más de 4 millones de nuevos puestos de trabajo en el campo.

Hay que tener en cuenta que el empleo femenino se beneficia de estas actividades. En ramas como las flores, el cultivo de frutas y hortalizas, o el mismo café, se ocupan miles y miles de mujeres. Como se sabe el nivel de ingresos en las empresas industriales y agrícolas dedicadas a la exportación es más elevado que el de las que solo producen para el mercado interno. No es cierto, por tanto, que promover estas actividades signifique deteriorar ni el empleo ni los salarios de los trabajadores, y en particular de las mujeres. En su inmensa mayoría las mujeres dedicadas a estas labores provienen del mismo campo, de actividades domésticas o de pequeños cultivos, sin remuneración o con muy bajos estipendios, sin ninguna clase de derechos ni de protección social; en las nuevas actividades se cuenta por lo regular con mejores salarios y cubrimiento de la seguridad social.

3) DERECHOS MUMANOS Y LIBERTADES SINDICALES

EL CAPÍTULO LABORAL DEL TLC

Se ha dicho que nuestra normatividad laboral se aleja de la OIT y que con el TLC eso seguirá. Esas aseveraciones carecen de fundamento. Nuestra legislación no se distancia de la normatividad de la OIT sino que ha venido acercándose cada vez más a ella. Lo prueban las disposiciones adoptadas en años pasados para eliminar el trabajo infantil. De igual modo, las prohibiciones recientes de efectuar intermediación laboral por las cooperativas de trabajo asociado, contenidas en el decreto 4588 de 2006. Así mismo, con el fin de agilizar y hacer más transparente el trámite de los pleitos laborales, el Congreso estudia un proyecto de reforma que introduce el sistema oral y otras mejoras a estos procesos. Por lo demás, la justicia laboral en Colombia es independiente como el conjunto del sistema judicial.

En cuanto al supuesto efecto negativo del TLC, basta repasar el Capítulo 17 del acuerdo para concluir lo contrario. Las partes contratantes reafirman allí sus obligaciones como miembros de la OIT y su compromiso de cumplir los convenios que hayan suscrito, lo mismo que respetar los principios y derechos laborales internacionalmente reconocidos. Así mismo reafirman el respeto a sus Constituciones y el derecho de cada uno a adoptar o modificar su propia normatividad laboral, siempre que sea consistente con los derechos laborales internacionalmente reconocidos. Y para que no quede duda sobre las intenciones de impedir que se menoscaben los derechos laborales para favorecer intereses económicos, establece: “Las Partes reconocen que es inapropiado promover el comercio o la inversión mediante el debilitamiento o reducción de la protección contemplada en su legislación laboral interna”.

Es de esperarse que con la aprobación del TLC los trabajadores se vean beneficiados, pues se ejercerá una vigilancia estricta, no solo nacional sino internacional, al cumplimiento de los derechos laborales.

DERECHOS HUMANOS Y PROTECCIÓN DE SINDICALISTAS

El tema de los derechos humanos y las libertades sindicales también ha sido agitado con motivo de la suscripción del TLC. En medios sindicales colombianos y norteamericanos se han efectuado afirmaciones completamente desenfocadas sobre este particular, dando a entender que el gobierno y los empresarios son los causantes de la violencia contra los sindicatos y el clima de restricción de sus derechos, bien por acción, bien por omisión.

Colombia ostenta, desafortunadamente, talvez la más alta tasa de asesinatos y amenazas a sindicalistas en el mundo. Pero ese fenómeno debe entenderse dentro del clima de violencia existente en el país, y no como un caso especial de cruzada contra el sindicalismo. El año pasado fueron reportados 60 asesinatos de sindicalistas, 12 de ellos dirigentes. Un buen número por causas ajenas a su actividad sindical o por motivos desconocidos. Es una situación repudiable y sumamente preocupante. Sin embargo la proporción de asesinatos de sindicalistas es una de las más bajas frente a otros sectores sociales: mientras los afiliados a sindicatos fueron alrededor de un 2% de la población colombiana, los asesinatos de sindicalistas fueron cerca del 0,3% del total de homicidios del país. Además, es evidente que dichos homicidios de sindicalistas vienen reduciéndose: de casi 200 en 2002 pasaron a 25 en 2005 y 60 el año pasado.

Los asesinatos y amenazas a sindicalistas obedecen en su inmensa mayoría a la acción de grupos al margen de la ley, llámense guerrillas, paramilitares u otros. Así se puede constatar en las cifras que manejan ONG como la Escuela Nacional Sindical (ENS, de Medellín) u organismos oficiales como el Ministerio de Protección Social. Aún si tomamos los datos de la ENS para los últimos 15 años se observa que los atribuibles a funcionarios estatales no llegan al 1% del total, y obedecen seguramente a acciones individuales y no a una política oficial. Además, aunque falta mucho por lograr, tales hechos criminales vienen reduciéndose drásticamente en el país, precisamente por la acción decidida de las autoridades contra las distintas organizaciones al margen de la ley, lo mismo que por los acuerdos de desmovilización y reinserción en marcha. El gobierno ofrece la mayor protección posible a los dirigentes sindicales amenazados, como fácilmente puede constatarse. Unos 1.600 dirigentes sindicales reciben protección del gobierno. De los recursos destinados a protección de ciudadanos, más o menos un 40% se destina a proteger a líderes sindicales, en total más de $ 70.000 millones.

Así como ha combatido sin cejar a guerrillas y paramilitares, el gobierno actual ha ofrecido alternativas de reinserción a todos los grupos. En ese sentido, se adelanta con los paramilitares un proceso importante de desarme y reingreso a la vida civil, que desmovilizó más de 30.000 personas y produjo la entrega de casi 15.000 armas. Se está juzgando a los dirigentes y responsables de delitos, empieza a producirse la reparación de las víctimas por sus victimarios, lo mismo que avanzan las revelaciones de los crímenes cometidos. Este es un hecho único en cualquier acuerdo de paz de nuestro país y ejemplo en el mundo. Que revela el interés del gobierno de desmontar esa fatídica maquinaria de violencia, da cuenta de la solidez de nuestras instituciones democráticas, y desmiente las afirmaciones de algunos de que se está patrocinando el fenómeno del paramilitarismo. De igual manera, se adelantan conversaciones con un grupo guerrillero, el Eln, con el propósito de lograr su desarme y desmovilización. Colombia necesita apoyo de la comunidad internacional para estos propósitos, tanto a través de programas de ayuda como el Plan Colombia, como a través de acuerdos de comercio como el firmado con EU, que favorezcan su progreso económico y social.

Otro de los problemas del país es la impunidad, aunque tampoco es un fenómeno exclusivo de la indagación de responsabilidades de delitos contra sindicalistas. Con el propósito de contribuir a combatir esta violencia, y sobre todo la impunidad reinante, bajo el auspicio de la OIT, la dirigencia sindical colombiana, el gobierno y los empleadores, han acordado desde el año pasado trabajar conjuntamente. Para ello se ha establecido una oficina permanente de la OIT que ayude a las partes para tales fines. Una de sus primeras tareas ha sido la de tomar 100 casos emblemáticos de asesinatos de sindicalistas para buscar esclarecerlos y castigar los responsables. La Fiscalía General de la Nación ha venido, desde 2005 trabajando para resolver varios de los casos de asesinatos, atentados y/o amenazas a sindicalistas. Con motivo del acuerdo tripartito ha intensificado su labor. Se ha creado allí una Subunidad solamente para estas investigaciones, con 13 fiscales y 77 investigadores. En los últimos meses se han proferido fallos condenatorios relativos a los asesinatos de 37 sindicalistas, con más de 60 condenados. Además de eso, ha dicho el Fiscal hace unos días: "Tenemos más de 200 casos, 20 investigaciones formales, 40 personas vinculadas y 20 llamadas a juicio". Y en la aplicación de la Ley de Justicia y Paz se vienen aclarando varios de dichos crímenes. Ello muestra que se avanza seriamente en la lucha contra la impunidad de muchos años. No es sensato comprometerse con esos propósitos y a la vez desacreditar o desconocer los mecanismos acordados o la voluntad de las partes, como lo hacen algunos.

Colombia tiene numerosos problemas de orden económico, social y político. De eso somos concientes. No es nuestro interés ocultarlo ni mucho menos. Pero tanto el gobierno, como la mayoría de los empresarios y trabajadores están haciendo esfuerzos por superarlos y el país viene consolidando y mejorando sus instituciones y régimen democrático, venciendo el cáncer de la violencia, recuperando la senda del crecimiento y haciéndole frente a las desigualdades sociales. Continuar por esa vía implica numerosos esfuerzos y el apoyo sincero y eficaz de la comunidad internacional, pero sobre todo de los Estados Unidos. El TLC no es una panacea, se ha dicho. Es cierto. Pero es una importante oportunidad histórica que el país no puede desperdiciar, siempre que se apruebe. Eso esperamos la mayoría de los colombianos.

Bogotá, Colombia. Mayo de 2007.

Open letter from Colombian unions to Congress of USA

OPEN LETTER

TO THE US CONGRESS FROM COLOMBIAN UNIONS AND WORKING LEADERS

Dear Senator/Congressman:

Today, the Free Trade Agreement subscribed between the Government of Colombia and the Government of the United States is being considered by both countries’ congress. There have been some arguments opposing this agreement, especially from the trade unions. The above signatories, organizations and unions representatives from important sectors of the Colombian production and services, some of us affiliated with the unions’ federations and confederations, respectful of others opinions, we have decided to make public our opinion in favor of the FTA, because we believe it’s our duty with Colombian laborers and the country.

FTA: BENEFITS FOR ALL

Some sectors from the labor and business communities have said that the FTA harms the employment of each country in favor of the other’s. Such theory could only be truth in one-way, of false in both ways. We think that the FTA creates a win-win situation for all parties: employers, workers and the economies.

The two countries have a long record of commercial relations. Coffee exports for a century were the pillar of the Colombian development, and the US was its main buyer. US was also the main provider of machinery and equipment for our industrialization process. When coffee exports declined, were replaced with other goods, and today trade between the two countries represents up to 40% of all Colombian trade operations. More than one half of those exports to the US have had preferential treatment under the ATPDEA.

The recently signed FTA is based in a fact that supports our beneficial theory: our economies are rather complementary than competitive. For example, in the agricultural sector, our exports of coffee, bananas and other goods don’t compete with products from the US. At the same time, imports from the US such as grains and cereals fill out our deficit for such products. This also happens in the industry, where we produce light machinery and raw materials lacking in the US; and US exports machinery and equipment we don’t manufactured here. For those specific cases sensitive for both sides, the FTA provides for a slow elimination of tariffs and other protections. Thus the FTA would expand trade between the two countries, with benefits for the companies and generating jobs.

THE FTA LABOR CHAPTER

It’s been said that our labor laws are not in compliance with the ILO standards and that the FTA will increase such fault. Those comments are baseless. First, rather than getting a part from the ILO standards, our labor legislation is getting close to it. An example of such trend are the measures adopted to eliminate child labor in Colombia, and banning workers cooperatives from engaging in labor intermediation. (Decree 4588/2006). Additionally, to make the labor jurisdiction more expedite, the Congress is debating a bill to implement the oral system and some other improvements. Needles to say, the labor justice in Colombia is an independent branch within the Judicial System.

Regarding the FTA’s negative effect, a simple review of the Chapter 17 would lead us to a very different conclusion. Both parties reassure their obligations as ILO members, and their commitment to honor all signed Conventions, and to respect internationally recognized labor rights and principles. They are respectful of their own Constitutions and the right of each other to adopt or modify their labor laws, always in compliance with the internationally recognized labor rights. To make things clearer about their commitment on preventing the parties from undermine labor rights following economic interests, the chapter establishes: The Parties recognize that it is inappropriate to encourage trade or investment by weakening or reducing the protections afforded in domestic labor laws.

We should expect clear benefits to workers with the approval of the FTA, since a close monitoring would be in place not only nationally both internationally, regarding the observance of labor rights.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND PROTECTION OF UNION MEMBERS

The human rights issue has been raised during the negotiations of the FTA. Labor organizations in both countries have been making inaccurate statements regarding this issue, saying that government and employers are responsible for the acts of violence targeting unions, and the restrictions on their rights, either by action or by inaction.

Homicides and other forms of violence against union members are mostly carried out by illegal armed groups (guerrillas or paramilitaries). The government offers the best protection available to all threatened union leaders. Besides, although there is still much work to do, those crimes are being drastically reduced due to a decided action against all kinds of illegal groups, and the on-going demobilization process.

Under the support of the ILO, the union leaders, the employers and the government have agreed to work together to address all difficulties affecting labor groups, especially violence and impunity. To that goal, an ILO permanent representative office has been established in Colombia. Its first task is to take 100 relevant cases of homicides of union members to help clarify them and to punish the people responsible for them. The judicial authorities and the Office of the Attorney General have begun this process. It doesn’t make sense to accept those commitments, and at the same time to criticize and try to discredit the mechanisms agreed upon or the parties’ good will; like some are doing so.

Colombia faces several economical, social and political difficulties. We are aware of that and we are not trying to deny it. But the government, and most of the workers and employers are making serious efforts to overcome these difficulties. The country is working to consolidate and strengthen its institutions, and its democratic regime, to defeating violence, following a growth path and confronting social inequities. To keep this path means a great deal of sacrifices. It’s true that the FTA in not a magical solution. But it’s a historic opportunity that the country cannot afford to let it pass by. It’s on all of us to make the best of it.

Bogotá DC, May 2007

With all due respect, dear Senator/Congressman:

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Fernando Alfonso Bayona Rincón.

President - Sindicato de Trabajadores de Siderúrgica Paz del Río

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Gerardo de Jesús Sánchez Zapata

President. Sindicato de Trabajadores de Textiles Rionegro (Grupo Coltejer)

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Luis Fernando Cadavid Mesa.

President. Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Confección y Textiles de Antioquia (Sintracontexa)

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Luis Germán Restrepo Maldonado

President Sindicato Compañía de Empaques. (Sintraempaques)

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Walter David Navarro Giraldo

President – Sindicato de Profesionales de Empresas Públicas de Medellín.

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Eufrasio Emilio Ruiz Santiago.

President Sindicato de Trabajadores del Ingenio San Carlos (Valle del Cauca).

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Enrique Albeiro Franco Valderrama.

National Vice President. Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Industria Frutera, Agroindustrial y Pecuaria (Sinaltraifru- Apartadó – Urabá)-

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José Gustavo Palacio Moreno.

President Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Industria Minera y Energética (Sintramienergética – Seccional Segovia. Frontino Gold Mines).

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Javier Ramírez Córdoba.

President Sindicato de Trabajadores de Imusa.

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Jorge Iván Díez Vélez.

General Secretary Unión de Trabajadores Textiles y de la Confección de Colombia (Utatexcoc).

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Oscar Jiménez.

President Sindicato Nacional de Coats-Cadena (Pereira).

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Jairo Giraldo Rey.

President. Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Industria Frutera, Agroindustrial y Pecuaria (Chapter Tulúa -Valle)

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Ana Lucía Rojas Alaguna.

Attorney (Seccional de Funza) -Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de los Cultivos de Flores, Frutas y Hortalizas de Colombia (Sinaltraflor)

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John Cano Restrepo.

President Sindicato Gremial de Equipajeros de Antioquia.